"The Largest Colorado-based Grassroots Network"
350 Colorado only Colorado-based in name only, and it's hardly grassroots
In Colorado politics, one pattern is impossible to miss: whenever a bill, ordinance, or rule touches energy - whether at the city council, county commission, or statehouse -someone from the organization 350 Colorado is likely there. Their members sometimes testify in groves, often with the same prepared talking points.
And whenever lobbying records are published, their name almost always appears.
The group bills itself as “the largest Colorado-based grassroots network” fighting the “climate crisis.”
But its constant presence in policymaking reveals something deeper: 350Colorado is less a spontaneous scrappy community uprising and far more a professional advocacy machine.
Its very name was imported from luxury belief coastal activists’ national-level group 350.org. Its leadership is dominated by out-of-state transplants. Its biggest checks come from private sources, “progressive” organizations, or Silicon Valley billionaires. And its agenda — from fracking bans to electrification mandates — is dictated by the national 350.org organization.
The consequences are not abstract. This machine has lobbied for policies that helped erase oil, gas, and coal jobs in communities from Craig to Greeley. It hired four separate lobbyists to try to defeat nuclear legislation (HB25-1040). And its green Malthusian wish list — from “green” building codes to renewable carve-outs — has helped drive Colorado’s energy costs sharply upward, making it more expensive to live, work, and do business in the state.
This is the paradox: a group that markets itself as “Colorado-based” and “grassroots” turns out to be neither.
They’re instead another organization full of largely outsiders using newly colonized Colorado as a stage for their ideology, while everyday Centennial Staters pay the price.
The Myth of “350”
350 Colorado’s about page describes the number as, “climate safety: to preserve a livable planet, scientists tell us that 350 parts per million (ppm) is the safe upper limit of CO2 in the atmosphere. Currently we are at 415ppm and rising 2-3ppm every year.”
As, British economist Charles Goodhart famously said, “When a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure." The origin of 350 goes far beyond just a measure or target run amok.
The origin of the “350” began long before the establishment of 350 Colorado and closer to what activists said than what the scientific evidence shows. As climate scientist and professor Roger Pielke Jr. notes, there was “essentially no science behind it,” but the number caught on.
In 2007, writer and climate activist Bill McKibben was preparing to launch a climate NGO. He considered calling it “450.org,” after the 450 ppm carbon dioxide (CO₂) target then circulating in UN policy circles. He asked NASA scientist and fellow climate hysteric James Hansen for advice. Hansen, working on a draft paper, suggested 350 ppm instead.
There was just one problem: by 2007, the world had already blown past 350 ppm. Atmospheric CO₂ stood at 383 ppm.
McKibben seized on the number anyway. With help from the Swedish Tällberg Forum, he branded the group as 350.org and launched it globally in 2008. They bought full-page ads in The New York Times and International Herald Tribune, gathered 150 signatories from political and business elites, and even secured a nod from UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
By the Copenhagen climate summit in 2009, “350” had morphed again, this time into shorthand for the aspirational 1.5°C warming target. What began as a back-of-the-envelope number became a global brand and eventually a “local” one.
The Two Non-Profits
Unlike the Southwest Energy Efficiency Program, 350 Colorado is the name for two non-profits, one that operates as a 501(c)(3) (EIN: 46-3355370) and their action fund, a 501(c)(4) (EIN: 82-2466390).
This already draws some red flags for the “grassroots” claim given that running a single non-profit successfully is already a difficult endeavor. The establishment of a 501(c)(4) also means they can do what a 501(c)(3) cannot which is directly endorse political candidates. This paradoxically is something they do not do much of compared to other “Colorado-based” 501(c)(4) behemoths such as the state’s Sierra Club Chapter or Conservation Colorado.
But their latest 501(c)(3) Form 990 shows something more revealing.
According to 350 Colorado’s most recent IRS Form 990, the group is running at a loss. In 2024, the organization reported $475,055 (down from $907,678 in 2023) in contributions and grants — almost all from private foundations and donors untraceable in the Form 990, with $26,896 coming from government grants. Its total expenses topped $709,696, leaving it with a deficit of $227,906 (down from positive $95,043 in 2023) and burning through nearly 40 percent of its assets in a single year.
Salaries, other compensations, and employee benefits alone totaled $513,778 - more than the group raised in contributions. Only one of their eleven board members received a salary - Executive Director Michah Parkin with just over $76,000 in salary and benefits. Their latest Form 990 also shows more than $104,000 of the “Colorado” nonprofit’s own spending in 2024 went straight back out the door as grants to other 350 affiliates — including 350 Vermont, 350 Wisconsin, 350 Seattle, and 350 San Diego.
Most striking is where the money comes from and where it goes when looking at their organization through the non-profit tracking site such as CauseIQ. The group’s revenue has been buoyed in other years by large foundation checks — a $250,000 grant from the Schmidt Family Foundation, $45,000 from The Denver Foundation, $43,000 from Colorado People’s Action (formerly called Rights for All People & Colorado Progressive Coalition), and smaller sums from Patagonia and the Maki Foundation.
So the picture that emerges is not of a lean, volunteer-driven grassroots outfit, but of a professionalized NGO with a payroll-heavy budget reliant on coastal (and often obscured private donors) and even redistributing Colorado-raised funds to out-of-state 350 affiliates. In other words: funded from the outside, lobbying on the inside, and exporting money elsewhere.
While the 501(c)(4) action fund does not endorse with the volume of larger green groups, it has dipped into Colorado politics since its creation.
In 2018, 350 Colorado Action endorsed
In 2019 it backed Boulder City Council candidates
By 2020, its “Stamp of Approval” went to
Lorena Garcia ‘s failed senate campaign - she was later appointed to the State House. (more on her here, here, and here.)
Perhaps that’s all a feature and not a bug, as it appears 350Colorado’s prime activity is appears to be lobbying.
Imported Urbanite Leadership
350 Colorado’s roster appears right out of the target market for the “Not a Native But I got here as fast as I could” bumper stickers and a random selection of attendees from the ultra-diverse “Hands Off” and “No Kings” rallies.
Staff (all but one receive a salary)
Micah Parkin, Executive Director and Co-Founder — Moved from New Orleans, Louisiana after Hurricane Katrina. Alma mater: Tulane University (degree not specified). Lives in Boulder. Passions: climate justice, progressive social change.
Chelsea Alexander, Movement Building & Volunteer Director — From Indiana, lived in Chicago before moving to Colorado. Alma mater: Indiana University (degree not specified). Lives in Denver. Passions: feminism, gender justice, grassroots organizing.
Roberta “Bobbie” Mooney, Campaign Director & Staff Attorney — From Vermont, moved to Colorado “sight unseen” in 2011. Alma mater: Vermont Law School, J.D. Lives in Colorado Springs. Passions: environmental justice, legal advocacy.
Brigit Stattelman-Scanlan, Development Director — Began climate activism with 350 Wisconsin in Madison. Alma mater: University of Wisconsin–Madison (degree not specified). Lives in Denver. Passions: climate activism, feminist perspectives.
Heidi Leathwood, Climate Policy Analyst — Colorado origin unknown. Alma mater: Oberlin Conservatory of Music (degree not specified). Lives in Denver. Passions: climate justice, clean energy transition.
Matt Gose, Promoting Climate Solutions Coordinator — Born and raised in Western Colorado. Alma mater: Colorado Mesa University (degree not specified). Lives in Colorado Springs. Passions: sustainable agriculture, rural climate solutions.
Kim Nelson, Administrative Director — Originally from New York. Alma mater: Fordham University (degree not specified). Lives in Fort Collins. Passions: racial equity, nonprofit management.
Steve Kuschner, Roaring Fork Team Coordinator — Born in New York City, raised on Long Island. Alma mater: Cornell University (degree not specified). Lives in Carbondale. Passions: sustainability, renewable energy.
Board of Directors
Gail Nordheim, Chair — Moved to Denver from Madison, Wisconsin in 2023. Alma mater: University of Wisconsin–Madison (degree not specified). Lives in Denver. Passions: environmental justice.
Katessia Robertson, Vice-Chair — From Indianapolis, Indiana; later moved to Denver. Alma maters: Indiana University (degree not specified); University of Denver (degree not specified). Lives in Denver. Passions: DEI, climate justice.
Heron Lenz, Secretary — A Colorado native (Fort Collins). Alma mater: Northwestern University (degree not specified). Lives in Fort Collins. Passions: LGBTQ+ advocacy, social justice.
Paul Culnan, Treasurer — Based in Boulder; origin unknown. Alma mater: not listed. Lives in Boulder. Passions: not listed.
Patricia Garcia-Nelson — Born and raised in Northern Colorado. Alma mater: University of Northern Colorado (degree not specified). Lives in Greeley — the sole board member outside the Front Range “green bubble.” Passions: Latinx advocacy, clean air for children.
Finn Jackson — From Cody, Wyoming, moved to Boulder in 2023. Alma mater: Colorado College (degree not specified). Lives in Boulder. Passions: youth climate activism.
Angie Berktold — From Minnesota. Alma mater: University of Minnesota (degree not specified). Lives in Boulder. Passions: conservation, environmental education.
The leadership, as
would say is dominated by transplants — Louisiana, Vermont, Wisconsin, Indiana, New York, Minnesota — with only three confirmed locals. Nearly all of them live in a tight cluster of Denver, Boulder, Fort Collins, Colorado Springs, and Carbondale, with Greeley standing as the lone exception to cities not dominated by Malthusian ideologues.In other words, 350 Colorado’s “grassroots” are concentrated in Colorado’s most Malthusian/green enclaves, not spread across the diverse communities they claim to represent. This geographic homogeneity further underscores the pattern of Progressive Colonialism: outside-trained activists staging their agenda in the state’s progressive hubs, while the working-class communities most affected by energy policy — Western Slope and Eastern Plains areas — are conspicuously absent from leadership.
For an organization branding itself as “Colorado-based,” this is revealing. The brains and bankrolls behind 350 Colorado mostly arrived from elsewhere, carrying with them national talking points and networks.
State-Wide Lobbying Activities
Despite branding itself as a grassroots citizens’ network, 350 Colorado’s Secretary of State filings show the behavior of a full-fledged professional lobbying operation.
In just the 2024 and 2025 Regular General Assembly sessions 350 Colorado lobbied on 59 different bills. (In both years, Colorado also had Special Sessions to address state budget woes but these aren’t included here.)
22 in 2024 (20 Supporting, 1 Opposing, 1 Amending)
37 in 2025 (25 Supporting, 11 Opposing, 1 Monitoring)
On 39 of these 59 bills, 350 Colorado deployed up to five multiple lobbyists indicating either strong support or opposition including Foote Environmental Law & Policy, Lacey A. Hays, Bailey Kramer, and Legacy Consulting Colorado, LLC.
Two of 350 Colorado’s own are registered lobbyists as well, the Executive Director herself, and the organization’s Climate Policy Director Heidi Leathwood.
This lobbying presence was visible in high-profile fights:
SB24-159 sponsored by Priola (D), Jaquez Lewis (D), Boesenecker (D), and Marvin (D) to phase out new oil & gas permits by 2030. This bill died in Committee but 350 Colorado aggressively lobbied in support.
SB24-039 and HB25-1040 sponsored by ‘24 by Liston (R) and in ‘25 by Valdez (D) public drunk Winter Winter (R), Liston, (R) and Roberts (D) to include nuclear energy in state statutes under the definition of clean energy. 350 Colorado opposed on multiple years. The 2024 bill died in committee on partisan grounds but the 2025 bill was signed into law by the Governor thanks to bipartisan support.
HB24-1367 sponsored by KKKipp (D) and public drunk Winter (D) to repeal severance tax exemptions on stripper wells. 350 Colorado supported, signaling their willingness to further constrain the state’s oil and gas industry.
HB25-1126 sponsored by Martinez (D), Winter (R), Pelton, B to reform the makeup of the Colorado PUC board. 350 Colorado used four lobbyists against this one and were adamant in public testimony that reforming the current board (stacked with Polis-approved Malthusians and green energy insiders) would hamper “Colorado’s” green ambitions. Covered here in Finding a Voice in Colorado's Electricity Sector.
And importantly, their lobbying often translated into actual law. In fact, 25 bills they supported were signed by the Governor, including:
SB24-014 – Seal of Climate Literacy Diploma Endorsement (covered in Participation Ribbon for Delusion)
SB24-184 – Support Surface Transportation Infrastructure Development
HB25-1161 – Labeling Gas-Fueled Stoves (a similar CA law covered in What's in a Warning?)
SB25-030 – Increase Transportation Mode Choice Reduce Emissions
SB25-055 Youth Involvement in Environmental Justice (covered in "Concerning Measures to Involve Youth in Environmental Justice")
Only two of the bills they supported were vetoed by the Governor:
And in a handful of cases, 350 Colorado opposed bills that still became law after the Governor signed them:
HB25-1040 – Adding Nuclear Energy as a Clean Energy Resource
SB25-039 – Agricultural Buildings Exempt from Energy Use Requirements
HB25-1165 – Geologic Storage Enterprise & Geothermal Resources
HB25-1177 – Utility Economic Development Rate Tariff Adjustments
Another law they lobbied in support of was HB25-1277, which would require an utterly silly warning label to be affixed to fuel pumps, covered in Turning a Trip to the Pump into an Act of Moral Reckoning. 350 Colorado stacked this one in support with five different lobbyists. It died in a Senate Committee.
Out of 59 bills lobbied across 2024 and 2025, 350 Colorado notched 25 clear wins (supported and signed into law), suffered 5 total losses (opposed but signed into law), and saw 2 of their supported wins vetoed. That works out to an 80% alignment with the Governor’s final signature decisions.
And the scale matters. Across 2024 and 2025, the General Assembly, which meets for only five months each year, introduced 1,376 bills (714 in 2024, 662 in 2025). Of those, 995 were signed into law.
350 Colorado chose to engage on just 59 bills — about 4.3% of the total introduced — yet managed to convert most into wins.
Colorado as a Performative Stage
350 Colorado calls itself “the largest Colorado-based grassroots network” tackling the climate crisis. That first part is highly debatable. Its brand was imported from East Coast activists. Its leadership is dominated by transplants who cluster in Boulder, Denver, and Fort Collins. Its money comes from coastal foundations and billionaire philanthropists. Its lobbying machine has racked up an 80% success rate at the not by accident but through multiple paid lobbyists including two of their own in house lobbyists.
The costs of this masquerade fall on ordinary Coloradans, especially those in the poor and middle class and who own small businesses. It’s these folks who get nickel-and-dimed 350 Colorado’s successes.
The question is not whether 350 Colorado is effective. The record shows it is. The question is whether Coloradans will allow a group funded, led, and inspired from outside the state to keep writing the rules that determine how they live, work, and power their homes.
What a wonderfully researched article, Leap. You are truly doing some heavy lifting.